AL-KHARAJ AND RELATED ISSUES:A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EARLY ISLAMIC SCHOLARLY THOUGHTS AND THEIR RECEPTION BY WESTERN ECONOMISTS
Introduction
The issue of kharaj (tax on agricultural land) was among the issues that were important during the early and medieval centuries of Islam. This was due to the fact that as the territories of the Islamic empire expanded, the cost of managing and administering the state increased correspondingly. Hence, a number of works had been written on kharaj and taxation policies. The works differ in certain aspects; some are judiciary works (like that written by Abu Yusuf), while others are simply collections of traditions on kharaj or works by katibs (tax collectors and administrators) that described the ways through which kharaj was collected and accounted for.
Unfortunately, most of the works seem to have disappeared in the course of time or parts there from being absorbed in later works. A. Ben Shemesh states that there have been some twenty-one works on the issue of kharaj, but only three have survived the ravages of time, that is, those written by at-Qadi Abu Yusuf, Yahya bin Adam and Qudama bin Ja'afar. (These works have been translated into English by Ben Shemesh, but unfortunately, translations by Muslim scholars are still to be expected)
In order to understand the nature of these works, it would be beneficial if we know a brief history of these scholars and the time and place they lived. All the three scholars lived during the period of the Abbassid Caliphate. The earliest among them was Abu Yusuf (731-798 C.E.) who was a disciple of Imam Abu Hanifa, the founder of the Hanafi school, followed by Yahya bin Adam (752-818 C.E.) and Qudama bin Ja'afar (? -932 C.E.). Diagram 2 illustrates the time frame of the Caliphate times during which the three lived.
Diagram 2: Time periods of Abu Yusuf, Yahya b. Adam and Qudama b. Ja'far
From above Diagram, it is clear that Abu Yusuf was born during the declining period of the Umayyad rule during the time of Hisham 'Abdul Malik. Yahya bin Adam was born during the birth of the Abbassid rule, two years after al-Saffah came to power. Abu Yusuf is about twenty years older than Yahya bin Adam and both were contemporaries at some span of time, especially during the reign of Khalifah Harun aI-Rashid. The year of birth of Qudama bin Ja'afar is unknown but it is clear from the Diagram 2 that he lived in the period when the Caliphate was beginning to decline during the reign of Al-Muktafi Billah and Al-Muqtadir. Hence, Qudama did not meet Abu Yusuf or Yahya bin Adam. However, their works were at his disposal and served as references for his work. Qudama was formerly a Christian but embraced Islam in Al-Muktafi's reign.
Before we proceed to compare their thoughts and identify the similarities and differences between them, we shall first look into the nature of each work. The first among them is Abu Yusuf's 'Risalah fi'l-Kharaj' which was prepared by the order of Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid.Abu Yusuf wrote the Risalah fi'l Kharaj as an answer to Khalifah Harun al-Rashid's request and questions on certain issues of taxation. Of course, this work was not the pioneer among the works on kharaj. The first to compile a book on the subject was Muawiyah bin Ubayd Allah bin Yasar al-Ash'ari. Muawiyah served as a wazir to Khalifah al-Mahdi. He replaced the then existing kharaj system under which a fixed sum was paid with a system where a certain share of the produce was collected (muqasama system). Abu Yusuf's work includes issues on the tax farming system and the harsh treatment of the tax payers which probably existed during his time. His work was more judiciary in nature since he frequently supports his arguments with authority from the Holy Qur'an and the Holy Prophet's Traditions. After his death, his work was used as a textbook for study by the Hanafi School. Helice, there appeared some minor interpolations in the original work.
The next work in line is Yahya b. Adam's book. His work is more of a compilation of hadiths on the relevant subject matter. This was done during the reign of al-Ma'mum. This collection of tradition, anecdotes, legal precepts and aphorisms were arranged according to the different issues. Among others, this book deals with problems and laws of land taxation, land holding, cultivation and the position of non-Muslims. Various traditions were compiled on different issues such as ghanima, fai' and the various taxes (kharaj, jizyah, etcetera), the power of the imam to decide at his discretion whether to distribute spoils of war among those who captured it or to retain it for all Muslims, and problems on land owned by the conquered people which were left to them for the payment of kharaj and so forth.
Hence, unlike the judicial-oriented book written by Abu Yusuf, his contemporary, Yahya's seems to be a compilation-oriented book. Abu Yusuf's strength was his analysis and ability to derive legal rules whereas to Yahya, hadith authenticity and completeness were important things. However, only forty of Yahya's traditions are to be found in the six authoritative collections of traditions, that is, those by al-Bukhari, Muslim, Abu Daud, Nasa'i, Tirmidzi and Ibn Majah. However, Yahya is known among historians as a trustworthy compiler and transmitter of traditions. He was a highly respected scholar during Khalifah Harun al-Rashid's reign and witnessed the birth of all the four Muslim schools. In fact, Ahmad b. Hanbal was his student. However, there seems to be no proof that Yahya took part in the discussions and controversies of the mazhabs. He was, hence, possibly a neutral jurist who acted independently from the mazhabs.
The next is Qudama bin Ja'afar's Kitab al-Kharaj. Between Yahya's and Qudama's works, there had been numerous works on the same issue but are not available in whole today. Qudama's work was done in the first quarter of the 4th century Hijrah. This period was considered as the beginning of the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate when Qudama was serving as a Qadi. There had been numerous allegations that the then existing kharaj system was not in line with religious precepts. Hence, Qudama wrote his book to prove that the existing laws of taxation were in fact based on religious precepts and to refute the allegations of katibs that they were not performing their tasks in accordance with the Shari'ah. Qudama seemed to have done a great deal of research especially into the earliest sources to write his book. His main source, as quoted by him, was Kitab al-Amwal by Abu Ubaid al-Qasim (d. 838 C.E.), a work which probably came after Abu Yusuf's and Yahya's. However, Abu Yusuf and Yahya were also cited in his work.
In Part seven of his book, Qudama gave a summary of the kinds of the religious taxation laws that prevailed during the first quarter of the 10th century C.E. He frequently cited the religious sources and precepts with names of scholars and their writings. However, he did not give the original traditions or rulings. Only extracts of precepts and opinions taken from different sources were given
In his work, Qudama emphasized the voluntary character of paying zakah as a religious duty. With his literary abilities, he seemed to have given a clear description of different land tenures and grants that existed during his times.
Thoughts Compared
The traditions compiled by Yahya dealt with topics such as ghanima, fai', kharaj, jizyah, of wealth acquired through war and without war, including through peace treaties; the unrestricted authority on the part of the khalifah to decide whether to distribute or not to distribute captured lands; kharaj on conquered lands left to the dimmest to own them; prohibition on the purchase of kharaj land; reviving dead land; taxation on minerals; belligerents embracing Islam; etcetera. These issues have been comprehensively dealt with by Abu Yusuf and we shall use his work as the basis for comparison. To start with, we present Diagram 3 that summarizes Abu Yusuf work on land taxation. Using this diagram, we shall compare his thoughts with the other two works on the issue-of tax of land.
Diagram 3: Abu Yusuf and Tax on Land
All lands under Muslim territory were subject to some kind of tax ' unless barren and uncultivated. Starting from the top of the chart, we observe that all lands under Muslim territory were divided into lands of Arabia and other lands. All lands in the Arab peninsula (for example, Hijaz, Mecca, Madina, Yemen, etcetera) were required to pay only 'ushr as was done by the Prophet (SAW). It was not lawful even for the Imam to change this ruling. (Yahya's recorded tradition no. 45 also confirms this.)
The other lands under Muslim territory were divided into three: i) land acquired by force, ii) land acquired by peace treaty and iii) land owned by Muslims outside Arabia. The Muslims of the third category paid only 'ushr.
Those who came under the peace treaty fell under two categories:
- Those who later embraced Islam.
- Those who remained as non-Muslims.
The first category only paid 'ushr (Yahya's tradition no. 227 and no. 1 248 also give the same.) However, for the second case, the Muslims Would have to follow what was stated in the peace treaty. They had to pay kharaj or they need not pay anything but were required to honor the conditions of the treaty. Their tax could not be increased or decreased but were to be confined to what was agreed upon in the treaty. The conquered lands were divided into four categories. The first case was where the belligerents embraced Islam before defeat. In such cases, their property including land would remain as their property and they would pay 'ushr. However, Yahya's recorded tradition no. 4911 states that if they embraced Islam, then their property would go to all Muslims and would be divided among them.
The Khalifah had the right either to distribute conquered lands among those who captured it or to let them remain in the hands of their original owners. If it was distributed, then the land would be 'ushr land. If left with the dhimmis to own them, then they would pay kharaj on them.
Diagram 4: Management of lands without owners properties of state that do not belong to anyone (e.g. no heir, conquered, barren, sawad land etc.)
If the conquered land was barren, then the Khalifah could distribute or allocate it to whomever he chose, on lease, or for other taxes, or use it for any other purpose that he deemed beneficial for all. If it was given as a gift to someone then that person paid 'ushr, kharaj or a greater tax as the Khalifah may fix. This is explained in Diagram 4.
Diagram 4 refers to those lands that were acquired by someone as a gift from the state, such as lands that had no heir, conquered lands, barren lands, sawad lands, etcetera, or such lands acquired through cultivation, for example, by reviving barren land.
If such lands were from Arab land, then the new owner paid only 'ushr. If it was situated outside Arab land but not originally a kharaj land, then the owner also paid 'ushr. In cases where it was originally a kharaj land, then three situations could occur:
If the new owner irrigated the land by wells built by the polytheists or by water from a kharaj river or by water from canals owned by non-Arabs, then he paid kharaj on it, just as was the case with the territories of Iraq. (Yahya's recorded tradition no. 4014 confirms this.) If the person revived a barren land then he also paid kharaj on it.
However, if the new owner irrigated the acquired kharaj land by self-built well or spring, then he paid 'ushr.
The third category was a charge that could be determined by the Khalifah according to what the land could bear.Now let us compare their writings issue by issue:
On What Comprises 'Ushr Land
On what comprises 'ushr land, Qudama gives six categories:
Land of those who have accepted Islam.
Land revived by Muslims from barren land.
Conquered land distributed among those who captured it.
Land given as gifts to Muslims by the state.
Land possessed by Muslims from state lands of al-Sawad, previously owned by the Persian kings and their families.
Land abandoned by enemies and which are in the possession of Muslims. From Diagram 3 it is clear that the above six categories are implied in Abu Yusuf 's work.
'Anwa Land
On 'anwa or conquered land, Qudama tells us that 1/5th is retained by the state and only%th is distributed among those who captured it; or the Khalifah may retain it as a trust for all Muslims. What is implied here is that the Imam has absolute power to decide on this matter. Abu Yusuf also mentions this power and Yahya cites a few traditions that support Qudama's view. For example, his recorded tradition No. 1016 states:
"If the Imam so wishes, he deducts the fifth part and allots four fifths; and if he so wishes, he may turn it into fai' as was done by Umar al-Khatab in al-Sawad".
Of Dhimmis Embracing Islam
If a conquered person embraced Islam, Abu Yusuf stated that his property would remain with him and he had to pay the 'ushr. However, Qudama stated that kharaj would still be levied upon him. Yahya quoted a hadith that stated that in such circumstances, the kharaj would be lifted unless the person came from a region that paid jizyah and kharaj. In this case, only the jizyah was lifted while the kharaj would be due.
On What is Kharaj Land
On what is kharaj land, Qudama quoted Yahya that it comprised both 'anwa and sulk lands. Yahya added that land irrigated by kharaj river was also subject to kharaj. Abu Yusuf concurred with all the above.
On Reviving Barren Land
Abu Yusuf stated that one who revived a barren land owned the land. For example, if someone excavated a canal and cultivated a barren land, he would become the owner of the land. Qudama held the same opinion. Yahya cited a few traditions that supported that the revival should be with the permission of the Imam. This opinion is the same as Abu Hanifa's. Abu Yusuf did not feel that such a permission was necessary.
Tax on Revived Land
Abu Yusuf stated that if the barren land was irrigated from kharaj river, then kharaj was charged. But if irrigated by self-excavated spring, then 'ushr was charged. Qudama was also of the same opinion.
On the Rate of 'Ushr
Abu Yusuf stated that a self-irrigated land by methods such as using animals, wheels or canals would pay an 'ushr of 1/20 while for a non-irrigated one, an 'ushr of 1/10 was charged. Qudama stated the same. Some traditions in Yahya's collection also confirm this.
On Nisab and Kind from Which Taxation is Taken
On this issue there appears to be some controversy. Abu Yusuf stated that the nisab was five awsaq and no levy was imposed for an amount less than five awsaq. Qudama gave a similar opinion. Yahya produced some traditions that supported this opinion. However, Abu Hanifa was in disagreement in his opinion, there was no minimum limit, that is, the 'ushr was paid on whatever amount was harvested, even a handful.
On Honey
Abu Y usuf stated that an 'ushr of 1/10 was levied on honey if it was found on 'ushr land. However, no levy was imposed if the honey was found on kharaj land or hills. To Qudama, if honey was found in hilly areas, then half 'ushr was levied, that is, 1120. On this issue, Yahya cited traditions that supported Abu Yusuf's opinion.
On Extraction from the Sea
On this, there exists differences of opinion. Abu Yusuf stated that on extractions such as amber and pearls, a khumus of l;t, was to be levied. On the other hand, Qudama stated that the majority of scholars opined that there was no levy on extractions from the sea. Yahya gave a tradition that supported Qudama's statement.
On Fish
Abu Yusuf stated that no sadaqah was imposed on fish. Yahya cited a tradition which confirmed this
On Irrigation
Abu Yusufwrote that all persons had the right to use water from the great rivers. But if the canal excavated passed through land belonging to others, then those who benefited from this canal might have to pay compensation like a monthly charge. Qudama also stated the same.
Excavation of Canals
On this issue, Abu Yusuf stated that the social benefits and costs of a canal excavation must be evaluated before a canal may be excavated. If a canalled to hardships to the majority while only giving benefit to some, then the canal should be demolished. Qudama concurred with this opinion. Building of large canals, dams, bridges and similar public works in the opinion of both, must be borne by the treasury.
Excavation of Canals
Purchase of Kharaj Land by Muslims
Purchase of Kharaj Land by Muslims
Abu Yusuf wrote that if a Muslim purchased an adjacent kharaj land, then the land became 'ushr land. But Yahya stated that if the land itself was subject to kharaj according to a treaty, then a kharaJ was imposed. Otherwise it would become 'ushr land.
Covenantor Buying 'Ushr Land
On this, Yahya gave a narration that when a covenantor (one who entered into peace treaty) purchased 'ushr land, then kharaJ was levied. Abu Yusuf and Qudama did not touch much on this issue.
On Petroleum, Tar and Mercury
According to Abu Yusuf, there was no levy on these items. Yahya cited some traditions supporting this. Qudama only dealt briefly on this. Since these eitems are obtained from the ground, he classified them under rikaz and hence a charge of 1;5 was levied.
On Surplus Water
On this issue, Abu Yusuf stated that surplus water should not be sold especially for drinking purposes by men and animals. Yahya supported this view with some of his recorded traditions. From the above comparisons on different issues, it appears that thereare not much differences in the writings of the three on those issues. Yahya's recorded traditions almost entirely served as a complement to Abu Yusuf's work. There are a few issues on which Qudama and Abu Yusuf differed but they are only minor ones. The first is on the issue of 'ushr on honey taken from hilly areas; secondly, on extractions from the sea; thirdly, on dhimmis embracing Islam and the purchase of kharaj land by Muslims. Apart from those, there appears to be no fundamental differences in opinion between them.
Reception by Western Economists
In this section, our objective is to examine whether the thoughts of Abu Yusuf, Qudama bin Ja'afar and Yahya bin Adam could be received by western scholars. Let us point out, very briefly, the major issues whereby such a discussion can be carried out properly. Such issues highlighted in the thoughts of the three scholars can be classified under three major headings:
- taxation on land;
- public goods, externalities and social cost-benefit analysis;
- other issues.
In the following, we will examine the writings of the three scholars on these issues in the light of current western thinking on similar issues.
Taxation on Land
As the titles of their works suggest, the writings of all the three scholars basically revolve around the question of taxation on land (and land produce). Their respective opinions on taxation and the corresponding western thinking on the related issues can be discussed under a number of sub-headings:
Importance of Land Taxes
In a period when the vastness of the conquered Muslim territories and the associated difficulties in the retainment and maintenance of such territories were the primary sources of concern for the rulers, the importance given to land taxation by the three scholars can be comprehended.
However, "in many respects, the consideration of agricultural land taxation as a separate subject may seem inappropriate" to scholars of current western thinking. This is due to the relatively low and sharply declining share of taxes on landed properties (both agricultural lands and real estates) in both the developed and the developing countries. In the United States, for example, general property taxes accounted for only 1.5 per cent of the tax revenues: of the states in 1982 as compared with 46.5 per cent in 1913 and 71.9 per I cent in 1890. A persistent argument in the tax literature of the past two or three decades, however, is that it would be desirable for developing countries to receive a larger share of their revenue in the form of agricultural land taxes.
The basic objective of land taxes, according to the three Islamic scholars, was to generate revenue for the maintenance of defense and that administration of government. It goes without saying that in the western literature, this is also the primary objective of land taxes, or of any taxes for that matter. In addition to this favorable and routine impact, the western scholars agree that, land taxes also improve the utilization of land and help increase agricultural output.
Principal Canons of Land Taxation
According to the western thinkers, a sound tax should reflect the ability to pay, be certain and understandable, convenient to pay, and take as little from taxpayers as necessary. In addition to this, the tax should not be subject to arbitrary administration and should have low compliance and administrative costs. In the following, we will see how the writings of western economists "echo" the three Islamic thinkers' deliberations on the canons of taxation.
- Defining the Tax Base
This necessitates deliberating on the issues concerning the assessment and measurement of the taxable property. The Islamic scholars placed considerable emphasis on the proper assessment of the tax base. Abu Yusuf, for example, stressed the need for proper surveying of the land and avoiding mixing up between barren and cultivated lands. Qudama, on the other hand, cited that the considerations include the status of the land (barren or cultivated), availability of water for irrigation on land, quantity of produce and, even, costs of transportation of produces.
Western economists consider the location, listing and appraisal of every taxable land a first step in the taxation process. They are also concerned about the practices which result in numerous inequalities in the tax base assessment.40 Furthermore, the western literature, and practice as well, also cater for certain considerations like exemptions, net worth, etcetera, in defining the appropriate tax base.
- Defining Tax Rate
Abu Yusuf opined against charging someone on the basis of "haphazard guess and mere conjecture"!! He stresses the need for proper survey to avoid unjust rates in taxation. Both Qudama and Abu Yusuf suggested some kind of proportional tax rate 42 when they spoke against the practice of fixed quantity on gains of fixed amount of money. All the three scholars also highlighted the need for differential taxation to reflect that efforts are duly rewarded.
Furthermore, Abu Yusuf suggested that the ruler could reduce or increase the tax according to what the tax-payers could bear.
In the western literature, setting a proper schedule of tax rates is the second most important step in taxation. We can see that the principle of tax rates suggested by the contemporary literature is in existence in the writings of these Muslim scholars. Furthermore, western scholars have noted that the light rates of taxation suggested by the three scholars, "was one factor helping to keep alive a class of smaller; independent landowners and a relatively prosperous peasantry. ...Landowners and tenants alike were reasonably assured that a substantial part of the gains of agricultural improvements would be theirs".
Thus, the relatively low rates of taxation on the land and its produce seem to have encouraged agricultural progress. A conclusion can be drawn in this effect that the rate structure of Islamic taxation would be receptive to the western economists, if this issue is to ever arise.
- Approaches to Tax Equity
In the conventional literature, a basic criterion for tax-structure design is the equity objective. Here, two strands to the thought on what constitutes a "fair share of tax contribution" may be distinguished. One approach rests on the benefit principle, that is, "taxes should be levied in accordance with the benefits arising from the government services financed by the taxes".
The other stand rests on the "ability-to-pay" principle, that is, levying taxes on how much the individual could afford to pay. "Unequal, according to the principle, should be treated unequally (vertical equity) while equals were to be treated equally (horizontal equity)'.
It may safely be suggested that the equity criterion adopted by the three Islamic scholars is the "ability-to-pay" principle. Abu Yusuf opined that the ruler could reduce or increase the tax levy (kharaj) on the people "according to what they can bear."Qudama was more specific when he categorized (top, middle and low) the taxpayers according to their wealth and opined that the tax burden should fall on the people according to their ability to pay. However, the scholar's propagation of the ability-to-pay principle should not be taken as propagation of progressive taxation. What they suggested was that the rich should pay more, but not necessarily a higher rate. Western scholars have noticed the "plus-factors" of the ability to pay principle. The principle has its western foundations in the writings of both
Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill. At present, the ability-to-pay has been emphasized by redistribution-oriented writers because the approach can encompass the redistribute tax-transfer function more. However, the western scholars have also noted the difficulties of the ability-to-pay approach because of the restrictive assumptions it places on the utility function.
- Tax Evasion, Tax Administration and Arrears
On the tax evasion, Abu Yusuf was aware of the problem and he opined against mixing up of properties or devising any other means to evade the payment of zakah.
On tax administration, besides highlighting the need for proper surveying, the Islamic scholars also discussed issues concerning tax collection and its administration. Abu Yusuf, for example, discussed at length the quality of tax-administrators and collectors and the need for proper delegation of authority in tax administration. Qudama, on the other hand, spoke in detail, about the fees of the collectors.
The question of tax administration has been given little attention by western economists. The western thinkers' prime, if not the only, consideration on tax administration, is that the service should be provided efficiently, that is, "the desired quality of service should be offered at minimum cost". It is unlikely that the western thinkers would be receptive to the need for highlighting the characters of collectors for practical consideration.
As regard to the arrears, Qudama cited Imam Shafi'i and Imam Abu Hanifa. The former held that arrears should be collected in full when the taxpayer was able to pay, while the latter held that although more would be charged in future, but nothing for the past. Western thinkers assume that "all taxes must be collected". In their opinion, the delinquent tax-payers may be allowed periods of several months during which they can pay back taxes plus penalties and interest charges, and "if the tax remains unpaid at the end of this period, the tax lien on the property is offered at a public tax sale".
General Considerations and Conclusions on Taxation
In his book, Kitab al-Kharaj, Abu Yusuf elaborated the conditions for taxation. These are
- charging a justifiable minimum
- no oppression of tax-payers
- maintenance of a healthy treasury,
- benefiting both government and tax-payers, and
- in choosing between alternative policies having the same effects on treasury, preferring the one that benefits tax-payers.
On the whole, the basic underlying consideration of a good tax policy as suggested by the three Islamic scholars is public interest.
If we consider the above conditions and the discussion that proceeds immediately and compare it with what the western scholars view as basic requirements for a good taxation, we see that in most instances the western thinkers are receptive to the thought of their Muslim predecessors. However, it should be pointed out that the western thinkers, in general, place too much emphasis on the allocation effects of taxation, while the Islamic scholars are more concerned with distributive justice and hence, public interest. Nevertheless, this gap seems to be narrowing down in view of a general conjecture about the merit of Islamic taxation by some western authors.
Public Goods, Externalities and Social Cost-Benefit Analysis
The three Islamic scholars also deliberated on the following significant issues of public finance. Their deliberations on these issues seem to be strikingly contemporary when compared with western standards. Let us examine this in detail.
Public goods
With respect to the nature of public goods, Abu Yusuf held the view that all the Muslims were sharers of great rivers. No one had the right to prevent others (i.e. to exclude others) from them and everyone had a right and could enjoy (i.e. non-rival) the benefits of such public property. The other two scholars also held the same view.
As regards to the provision of public goods, both Abu Yusuf and Qudama bin Ja'afar were of the opinion that the government was responsible for providing such goods which involved a huge expenditure, such as excavation of big canals.
In the western literature, as well, non-excludability and non-rivalness are the essential features of public goods. Furthermore, in general, the western scholars hold the view that the responsibility for the provision of such goods lies with the government.
Externalities
The Islamic scholars put great emphasis on the princple of no harm to others. Qudama bin Ja'afar, for example, held the view that any harm done to another's property should duly be compensated. Abu Yusuf also, for example, allowed the excavation of a canal for private use provided that "the excavation
Based on the western standards, we may say that the Islamic authors were speaking against negative externalities of private dealings and the need to compensate such externalities. In the western literature, negative externalities and the ways to compensate them are important areas of -public policy-making.
Social Cost-Benefit Analysis
AbuYusufand Qudama bin Ja'afar also discussed the decision rules of social cost-benefit analysis and the distribution of expenses involved in the provision of collective goods.
- Decision Rules
Abu Yusuf set up the decision criteria on whether or not to go with certain project (for example, the excavation of a canal). He held that the decision-maker should look into the project, "whether it is beneficial or harmful. [fits benefit is greater, then he would leave it as it is (for example, it should go ahead); and if its harm is greater, then he would order to demolish It (i.e. should abandon it) . This is also the standard decision rule of project evaluation in the western literature.
- Distribution of Expenses
Abu Yusuf also elaborated on the distribution of expenses in the provision of some collective goods, like the excavation of a canal for irrigation of lands belonging to a certain community. In his opinion, the responsibility should be shared collectively and so should the expenses. He stated that the expenses should be calculated and distributed accordingly. Regarding the nature of such distribution, Qudama bin Ja'afar said that the expenses should be, shared proportionally. Abu Yusuf elaborated on this, saying that "every man should pay a share of this according to his wealth." The western scholars also express the need for distributing expenses among the beneficiaries. However, what marks the difference in their approach is that the nature of distribution they propagate, is in line with the benefit principle and not, the ability-to-pay approach. Nevertheless, as has been mentioned earlier, the redistribution-oriented western scholars favor the ability-to-pay approach in sharing the expenses as well,
- Conclusion on Public Policies
Generally, the western thinkers seem to be receptive to the ideas of the Islamic scholars on the public policy issues highlighted before. However, too much stress on allocative efficiency on the part of western thinkers causes a difference of opinion from their Islamic counterpart on the issue of distribution of expenses among beneficiaries.
Other Issues
Revival of Dead Land and Land Ownership
All the three Islamic scholars place great emphasis on the improvement of lands. Hence, they were against neglecting the land. Therefore in their opinion, whosoever revives a dead land becomes its owner, and similarly, whosoever neglects his land for a specified period (three years) loses his claim of ownership. In the western literature, there is a method to acquire title to unused or abandoned land. This is known as adverse possession. However, the law requires that use continues for periods ranging from ten to twenty years before one can acquire title by adverse possession. Furthermore, western thinkers also note that, "Islamic Laws giving the ownership of dead or abandoned lands to those who reclaimed them may also have favored the creation of smaller proprietorships, some of them gained from large estates ...Such a panoply of forms of exploitation no doubt favored innovation."
Price Theory
Abu Yusuf deliberated that prices come from God, hence excess supply of goods may not imply low prices while excess demand may not imply high prices. On a cursory glance, this may seen as a violation of modern price theory. But, by setting the perspective on the quantity space of the price theory schedule it should become clear that Abu Yusuf was speaking about such goods which the western scholars categorize as necessities, i.e. goods having low elasticity.
Sale of Deceit
The Islamic scholars opined against any kind of selling that involved deceit like selling of fishes in water. Their opinions emerged in view of the Islamic standards they adhered to. The western literature does not place such a great emphasis on maintaining such ethical standards in transactions. In practice, we see speculative selling of stocks, etcetera.
Conclusion to Other Issues
We see, on the issues of revival of dead lands towards acquisition and price theory, the western literature is receptive to the Islamic views. However, on the issue of sale of deceit, the former differs significantly from the latter.
Conclusion
In our discussion, we have seen that the western thinkers are, in general, receptive to the ideas of Abu Yusuf, Yahya bin Adam and Qudama bin Ja'afar. Trivial although sometimes significant differences between the two arise because while the former stresses allocation aspects, the latter emphasizes distributive justice.
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